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Punctuation, Prosody, and Discourse: Afterthought Vs. Right Dislocation.

Kalbertodt J, Primus B, Schumacher PB - Front Psychol (2015)

Bottom Line: Results show an effect of both punctuation and discourse context (mediated by syntax) on phrasing and accentuation.Interestingly, for pitch range reduction no difference between RDs and ATs could be observed.Our results corroborate a language architecture model in which punctuation, prosody, syntax, and discourse-semantics are independent but interacting domains with correspondence constraints between them.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: IfL Phonetik, University of Cologne Cologne, Germany ; Department of German Language and Literature I, University of Cologne Cologne, Germany.

ABSTRACT
In a reading production experiment we investigate the impact of punctuation and discourse structure on the prosodic differentiation of right dislocation (RD) and afterthought (AT). Both discourse structure and punctuation are likely to affect the prosodic marking of these right-peripheral constructions, as certain prosodic markings are appropriate only in certain discourse structures, and punctuation is said to correlate with prosodic phrasing. With RD and AT clearly differing in discourse function (comment-topic structuring vs. disambiguation) and punctuation (comma vs. full stop), critical items in this study were manipulated with regard to the (mis-)match of these parameters. Since RD and AT are said to prosodically differ in pitch range, phrasing, and accentuation patterns, we measured the reduction of pitch range, boundary strength and prominence level. Results show an effect of both punctuation and discourse context (mediated by syntax) on phrasing and accentuation. Interestingly, for pitch range reduction no difference between RDs and ATs could be observed. Our results corroborate a language architecture model in which punctuation, prosody, syntax, and discourse-semantics are independent but interacting domains with correspondence constraints between them. Our findings suggest there are tight correspondence constraints between (i) punctuation (full stop and comma in particular) and syntax, (ii) prosody and syntax as well as (iii) prosody and discourse-semantics.

No MeSH data available.


Related in: MedlinePlus

Tonal contour of a German RD (translation: “I've never heard it, this name”). The graph shows the f0-contour, the word level annotation and the GToBI annotation, where the ‘*’ indicates which tonal event is associated with the prominent syllable. Stars in brackets [‘(*)’] mark postnuclear prominences. The dashed line marks the onset of the dislocated phrase (“this name”)3.
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Figure 1: Tonal contour of a German RD (translation: “I've never heard it, this name”). The graph shows the f0-contour, the word level annotation and the GToBI annotation, where the ‘*’ indicates which tonal event is associated with the prominent syllable. Stars in brackets [‘(*)’] mark postnuclear prominences. The dashed line marks the onset of the dislocated phrase (“this name”)3.

Mentions: In terms of prosody, RDs are typically produced either without a phrase boundary or with a weaker intermediate phrase (ip) boundary preceding the dislocated constituent. This way, the dislocated phrase is always produced within the same intonational phrase as the matrix clause (cf. Dewald, 2014), as opposed to AT, which is always segregated from the matrix clause by a stronger intonation phrase (IP) boundary (cf. Dewald, 2014) and thus produced in a separate intonation phrase2. Moreover, following Lambrecht (2001), RDs are assumed to be prosodically marked by a reduction of pitch range (Figure 1), which results in a flat intonation contour, while ATs are assumed to not undergo this pitch range reduction but rather use the full pitch inventory (Figure 2).


Punctuation, Prosody, and Discourse: Afterthought Vs. Right Dislocation.

Kalbertodt J, Primus B, Schumacher PB - Front Psychol (2015)

Tonal contour of a German RD (translation: “I've never heard it, this name”). The graph shows the f0-contour, the word level annotation and the GToBI annotation, where the ‘*’ indicates which tonal event is associated with the prominent syllable. Stars in brackets [‘(*)’] mark postnuclear prominences. The dashed line marks the onset of the dislocated phrase (“this name”)3.
© Copyright Policy
Related In: Results  -  Collection

License
Show All Figures
getmorefigures.php?uid=PMC4664648&req=5

Figure 1: Tonal contour of a German RD (translation: “I've never heard it, this name”). The graph shows the f0-contour, the word level annotation and the GToBI annotation, where the ‘*’ indicates which tonal event is associated with the prominent syllable. Stars in brackets [‘(*)’] mark postnuclear prominences. The dashed line marks the onset of the dislocated phrase (“this name”)3.
Mentions: In terms of prosody, RDs are typically produced either without a phrase boundary or with a weaker intermediate phrase (ip) boundary preceding the dislocated constituent. This way, the dislocated phrase is always produced within the same intonational phrase as the matrix clause (cf. Dewald, 2014), as opposed to AT, which is always segregated from the matrix clause by a stronger intonation phrase (IP) boundary (cf. Dewald, 2014) and thus produced in a separate intonation phrase2. Moreover, following Lambrecht (2001), RDs are assumed to be prosodically marked by a reduction of pitch range (Figure 1), which results in a flat intonation contour, while ATs are assumed to not undergo this pitch range reduction but rather use the full pitch inventory (Figure 2).

Bottom Line: Results show an effect of both punctuation and discourse context (mediated by syntax) on phrasing and accentuation.Interestingly, for pitch range reduction no difference between RDs and ATs could be observed.Our results corroborate a language architecture model in which punctuation, prosody, syntax, and discourse-semantics are independent but interacting domains with correspondence constraints between them.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: IfL Phonetik, University of Cologne Cologne, Germany ; Department of German Language and Literature I, University of Cologne Cologne, Germany.

ABSTRACT
In a reading production experiment we investigate the impact of punctuation and discourse structure on the prosodic differentiation of right dislocation (RD) and afterthought (AT). Both discourse structure and punctuation are likely to affect the prosodic marking of these right-peripheral constructions, as certain prosodic markings are appropriate only in certain discourse structures, and punctuation is said to correlate with prosodic phrasing. With RD and AT clearly differing in discourse function (comment-topic structuring vs. disambiguation) and punctuation (comma vs. full stop), critical items in this study were manipulated with regard to the (mis-)match of these parameters. Since RD and AT are said to prosodically differ in pitch range, phrasing, and accentuation patterns, we measured the reduction of pitch range, boundary strength and prominence level. Results show an effect of both punctuation and discourse context (mediated by syntax) on phrasing and accentuation. Interestingly, for pitch range reduction no difference between RDs and ATs could be observed. Our results corroborate a language architecture model in which punctuation, prosody, syntax, and discourse-semantics are independent but interacting domains with correspondence constraints between them. Our findings suggest there are tight correspondence constraints between (i) punctuation (full stop and comma in particular) and syntax, (ii) prosody and syntax as well as (iii) prosody and discourse-semantics.

No MeSH data available.


Related in: MedlinePlus