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Lexical neighborhood effects in pseudoword spelling.

Tainturier MJ, Bosse ML, Roberts DJ, Valdois S, Rapp B - Front Psychol (2013)

Bottom Line: Unbeknownst to participants, pseudo-words varied according to whether they did or did not have a phonological word neighbor.Results revealed that low-probability phoneme/grapheme mappings (e.g., /o/ -> aud in French) were used significantly more often in spelling pseudo-words with a close phonological lexical neighbor with that spelling (e.g., /krepo/ derived from "crapaud," /krapo/) than in spelling pseudo-words with no close neighbors (e.g., /frøpo/).These results indicate that information from lexical and sublexical processes is integrated in the course of spelling, and a specific theoretical account as to how such integration may occur is introduced.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: School of Psychology, Bangor University Bangor, Gwynedd, UK.

ABSTRACT
The general aim of this study is to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive processes that underpin skilled adult spelling. More specifically, it investigates the influence of lexical neighbors on pseudo-word spelling with the goal of providing a more detailed account of the interaction between lexical and sublexical sources of knowledge in spelling. In prior research examining this topic, adult participants typically heard lists composed of both words and pseudo-words and had to make a lexical decision to each stimulus before writing the pseudo-words. However, these priming paradigms are susceptible to strategic influence and may therefore not give a clear picture of the processes normally engaged in spelling unfamiliar words. In our two Experiments involving 71 French-speaking literate adults, only pseudo-words were presented which participants were simply requested to write to dictation using the first spelling that came to mind. Unbeknownst to participants, pseudo-words varied according to whether they did or did not have a phonological word neighbor. Results revealed that low-probability phoneme/grapheme mappings (e.g., /o/ -> aud in French) were used significantly more often in spelling pseudo-words with a close phonological lexical neighbor with that spelling (e.g., /krepo/ derived from "crapaud," /krapo/) than in spelling pseudo-words with no close neighbors (e.g., /frøpo/). In addition, the strength of this lexical influence increased with the lexical frequency of the word neighbors as well as with their degree of phonetic overlap with the pseudo-word targets. These results indicate that information from lexical and sublexical processes is integrated in the course of spelling, and a specific theoretical account as to how such integration may occur is introduced.

No MeSH data available.


A functional architecture of spelling to dictation. Lexical and sublexical activations are integrated at the abstract grapheme level.
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Figure 1: A functional architecture of spelling to dictation. Lexical and sublexical activations are integrated at the abstract grapheme level.

Mentions: Spelling is generally assumed to involve two major processes, or “routes” (Figure 1). First, one can access the stored spellings of familiar words in an “orthographic lexicon,” following activation from the phonological lexicon and/or the semantic system. This lexical process is necessary when spelling words with ambiguous or irregular spellings such as “two” or “colonel.” Second, spelling can occur via a sublexical phonology to orthography conversion process. In contrast to the lexical process, the sublexical process can generate plausible spellings for unfamiliar words or pseudo-words. In “deep” orthographies such as English or French, phonemes can often be spelled in several ways. The sublexical spelling process is thought to be sensitive to the relative probability of use of different phoneme-grapheme mappings. For instance, KEET would be more likely than KEIT in response to /ki:t/ because /i:/->EE (as in “meet”) is a more probable mapping than /i:/->EI (as in “seize”; Hanna et al., 1966; Baxter and Warrington, 1987; Barry and Seymour, 1988; Sanders and Caramazza, 1990; Fry, 2004). Thus, spelling words through the sublexical process alone may lead to phonologically plausible errors such as “phone”-> FONE or “colonel” -> KERNEL in which low probability phoneme-grapheme mappings are replaced with higher probability mappings. Indeed, such errors are a characteristic feature of the spelling performance of brain damaged individuals with an impaired lexical process, as observed in “surface dysgraphia” (Tainturier and Rapp, 2001). Although the existence of two processes with these general characteristics has been assumed in most written language research (for a review see: Tainturier and Rapp, 2001) there is little consensus concerning the specific nature of these processes or their relationships. In this paper, we will address the following question: are lexical and sublexical spelling processes essentially independent or do they interact and, if so, how?


Lexical neighborhood effects in pseudoword spelling.

Tainturier MJ, Bosse ML, Roberts DJ, Valdois S, Rapp B - Front Psychol (2013)

A functional architecture of spelling to dictation. Lexical and sublexical activations are integrated at the abstract grapheme level.
© Copyright Policy - open-access
Related In: Results  -  Collection

License
Show All Figures
getmorefigures.php?uid=PMC3842689&req=5

Figure 1: A functional architecture of spelling to dictation. Lexical and sublexical activations are integrated at the abstract grapheme level.
Mentions: Spelling is generally assumed to involve two major processes, or “routes” (Figure 1). First, one can access the stored spellings of familiar words in an “orthographic lexicon,” following activation from the phonological lexicon and/or the semantic system. This lexical process is necessary when spelling words with ambiguous or irregular spellings such as “two” or “colonel.” Second, spelling can occur via a sublexical phonology to orthography conversion process. In contrast to the lexical process, the sublexical process can generate plausible spellings for unfamiliar words or pseudo-words. In “deep” orthographies such as English or French, phonemes can often be spelled in several ways. The sublexical spelling process is thought to be sensitive to the relative probability of use of different phoneme-grapheme mappings. For instance, KEET would be more likely than KEIT in response to /ki:t/ because /i:/->EE (as in “meet”) is a more probable mapping than /i:/->EI (as in “seize”; Hanna et al., 1966; Baxter and Warrington, 1987; Barry and Seymour, 1988; Sanders and Caramazza, 1990; Fry, 2004). Thus, spelling words through the sublexical process alone may lead to phonologically plausible errors such as “phone”-> FONE or “colonel” -> KERNEL in which low probability phoneme-grapheme mappings are replaced with higher probability mappings. Indeed, such errors are a characteristic feature of the spelling performance of brain damaged individuals with an impaired lexical process, as observed in “surface dysgraphia” (Tainturier and Rapp, 2001). Although the existence of two processes with these general characteristics has been assumed in most written language research (for a review see: Tainturier and Rapp, 2001) there is little consensus concerning the specific nature of these processes or their relationships. In this paper, we will address the following question: are lexical and sublexical spelling processes essentially independent or do they interact and, if so, how?

Bottom Line: Unbeknownst to participants, pseudo-words varied according to whether they did or did not have a phonological word neighbor.Results revealed that low-probability phoneme/grapheme mappings (e.g., /o/ -> aud in French) were used significantly more often in spelling pseudo-words with a close phonological lexical neighbor with that spelling (e.g., /krepo/ derived from "crapaud," /krapo/) than in spelling pseudo-words with no close neighbors (e.g., /frøpo/).These results indicate that information from lexical and sublexical processes is integrated in the course of spelling, and a specific theoretical account as to how such integration may occur is introduced.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: School of Psychology, Bangor University Bangor, Gwynedd, UK.

ABSTRACT
The general aim of this study is to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive processes that underpin skilled adult spelling. More specifically, it investigates the influence of lexical neighbors on pseudo-word spelling with the goal of providing a more detailed account of the interaction between lexical and sublexical sources of knowledge in spelling. In prior research examining this topic, adult participants typically heard lists composed of both words and pseudo-words and had to make a lexical decision to each stimulus before writing the pseudo-words. However, these priming paradigms are susceptible to strategic influence and may therefore not give a clear picture of the processes normally engaged in spelling unfamiliar words. In our two Experiments involving 71 French-speaking literate adults, only pseudo-words were presented which participants were simply requested to write to dictation using the first spelling that came to mind. Unbeknownst to participants, pseudo-words varied according to whether they did or did not have a phonological word neighbor. Results revealed that low-probability phoneme/grapheme mappings (e.g., /o/ -> aud in French) were used significantly more often in spelling pseudo-words with a close phonological lexical neighbor with that spelling (e.g., /krepo/ derived from "crapaud," /krapo/) than in spelling pseudo-words with no close neighbors (e.g., /frøpo/). In addition, the strength of this lexical influence increased with the lexical frequency of the word neighbors as well as with their degree of phonetic overlap with the pseudo-word targets. These results indicate that information from lexical and sublexical processes is integrated in the course of spelling, and a specific theoretical account as to how such integration may occur is introduced.

No MeSH data available.