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Perisylvian Functional Connectivity during Processing of Sentential Negation.

Bahlmann J, Mueller JL, Makuuchi M, Friederici AD - Front Psychol (2011)

Bottom Line: As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed.Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations.Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences Leipzig, Germany.

ABSTRACT
Every language has the means to reverse the truth value of a sentence by using specific linguistic markers of negation. In the present study we investigated the neural processing costs afforded by the construction of meaning in German sentences containing negation in different clause types. We studied negations within and across clause boundaries as well as single and double negations. Participants read German sentences comprising of affirmations, single negations in the main or in the subordinate clause, or double negations. As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed. Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations. The study shows that in order to process negations that require semantic integration across clause boundaries left BA 45 interplays with other areas that have been related to language processing and/or the processing of cognitive demands and logical/conditional reasoning. Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

No MeSH data available.


Volume of interest analysis. Top: The VOI analysis in left IFG and left IPG corroborated the findings of the ANOVA. The BOLD response for negations was higher than for affirmations in the main clause. Bottom: The VOI analysis in the right angular gyrus (RAG) revealed more deactivations for affirmations in comparison to negations. The effect in the left precentralis (LPRE) and right anterior insula (RAI) reached not significance.
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Figure 4: Volume of interest analysis. Top: The VOI analysis in left IFG and left IPG corroborated the findings of the ANOVA. The BOLD response for negations was higher than for affirmations in the main clause. Bottom: The VOI analysis in the right angular gyrus (RAG) revealed more deactivations for affirmations in comparison to negations. The effect in the left precentralis (LPRE) and right anterior insula (RAI) reached not significance.

Mentions: The VOI analysis in left IFG and left IPL corroborated the findings of the whole-brain analysis (see Figure 4). A main effect of POLARITY_MAIN was found in the VOI of left IFG [F(1,15) = 13.36, p < 0.005] and left IPL [F(1,15) = 24.27, p < 0.001]. No other effect was significant (Fs < 1.2). These results suggest that negative polarity sentences are correlated with higher hemodynamic responses in left IFG and left IPL. The VOI analysis in the right angular gyrus revealed that the activity in this regions was caused by a stronger deactivation of affirmative sentences in comparison to negative sentences. This was true for negations in the main clause [main effect of POLARITY_MAIN; F(1,16) = 5.87, p < 0.05] and for negations in the subordinate clause [main effect of POLARITY_SUB; F(1,16) = 11.7, p < 0.005]. The interaction of POLARITY_MAIN × POLARITY_SUB was not significant (F < 0.2). The VOI analysis in left precentral gyrus and right anterior insula did not show any significant effects (Fs < 1.5). Note, that only 13 participants entered that analysis which reduces the statistical power.


Perisylvian Functional Connectivity during Processing of Sentential Negation.

Bahlmann J, Mueller JL, Makuuchi M, Friederici AD - Front Psychol (2011)

Volume of interest analysis. Top: The VOI analysis in left IFG and left IPG corroborated the findings of the ANOVA. The BOLD response for negations was higher than for affirmations in the main clause. Bottom: The VOI analysis in the right angular gyrus (RAG) revealed more deactivations for affirmations in comparison to negations. The effect in the left precentralis (LPRE) and right anterior insula (RAI) reached not significance.
© Copyright Policy - open-access
Related In: Results  -  Collection

License
Show All Figures
getmorefigures.php?uid=PMC3108559&req=5

Figure 4: Volume of interest analysis. Top: The VOI analysis in left IFG and left IPG corroborated the findings of the ANOVA. The BOLD response for negations was higher than for affirmations in the main clause. Bottom: The VOI analysis in the right angular gyrus (RAG) revealed more deactivations for affirmations in comparison to negations. The effect in the left precentralis (LPRE) and right anterior insula (RAI) reached not significance.
Mentions: The VOI analysis in left IFG and left IPL corroborated the findings of the whole-brain analysis (see Figure 4). A main effect of POLARITY_MAIN was found in the VOI of left IFG [F(1,15) = 13.36, p < 0.005] and left IPL [F(1,15) = 24.27, p < 0.001]. No other effect was significant (Fs < 1.2). These results suggest that negative polarity sentences are correlated with higher hemodynamic responses in left IFG and left IPL. The VOI analysis in the right angular gyrus revealed that the activity in this regions was caused by a stronger deactivation of affirmative sentences in comparison to negative sentences. This was true for negations in the main clause [main effect of POLARITY_MAIN; F(1,16) = 5.87, p < 0.05] and for negations in the subordinate clause [main effect of POLARITY_SUB; F(1,16) = 11.7, p < 0.005]. The interaction of POLARITY_MAIN × POLARITY_SUB was not significant (F < 0.2). The VOI analysis in left precentral gyrus and right anterior insula did not show any significant effects (Fs < 1.5). Note, that only 13 participants entered that analysis which reduces the statistical power.

Bottom Line: As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed.Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations.Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences Leipzig, Germany.

ABSTRACT
Every language has the means to reverse the truth value of a sentence by using specific linguistic markers of negation. In the present study we investigated the neural processing costs afforded by the construction of meaning in German sentences containing negation in different clause types. We studied negations within and across clause boundaries as well as single and double negations. Participants read German sentences comprising of affirmations, single negations in the main or in the subordinate clause, or double negations. As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed. Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations. The study shows that in order to process negations that require semantic integration across clause boundaries left BA 45 interplays with other areas that have been related to language processing and/or the processing of cognitive demands and logical/conditional reasoning. Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

No MeSH data available.