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Perisylvian Functional Connectivity during Processing of Sentential Negation.

Bahlmann J, Mueller JL, Makuuchi M, Friederici AD - Front Psychol (2011)

Bottom Line: As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed.Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations.Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences Leipzig, Germany.

ABSTRACT
Every language has the means to reverse the truth value of a sentence by using specific linguistic markers of negation. In the present study we investigated the neural processing costs afforded by the construction of meaning in German sentences containing negation in different clause types. We studied negations within and across clause boundaries as well as single and double negations. Participants read German sentences comprising of affirmations, single negations in the main or in the subordinate clause, or double negations. As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed. Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations. The study shows that in order to process negations that require semantic integration across clause boundaries left BA 45 interplays with other areas that have been related to language processing and/or the processing of cognitive demands and logical/conditional reasoning. Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

No MeSH data available.


Related in: MedlinePlus

Behavioral data. (A) Error rates for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA). The two conditions with negations in the main clause (NN, NA) produced slightly more errors than the two conditions with affirmations in the main clause (AN, AA). (B) Reaction times for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA).
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Figure 2: Behavioral data. (A) Error rates for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA). The two conditions with negations in the main clause (NN, NA) produced slightly more errors than the two conditions with affirmations in the main clause (AN, AA). (B) Reaction times for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA).

Mentions: An ANOVA on error rates was performed with the factors POLARITY_MAIN (negation versus affirmation in the main clause) and POLARITY_SUB (negation versus affirmation in the subordinated clause). A significant main effect of POLARITY_MAIN was found [F(1,16) = 10.5, p < 0.01], indicating that sentences with negations in the main clause induced more errors (14.4%, SD = 11.6) than sentences with affirmations in the main clause (9.7%, SD = 10.1; see Figure 2). The interaction effect of POLARITY_MAIN × POLARITY_SUB was marginally significant [see Figure 2; F(1,16) = 4.16, p = 0.058]. The step down analysis revealed that the two conditions with negations on the main clause (NN = 13.1%, SD = 11.9; NA = 15.8%, SD = 11.5) produced significantly more errors than the affirmative condition [AA = 9.4%, SD = 9.5; NN–AA: t(16) = 2.25, p < 0.05; NA–AA: t(16) = 4.5, p < 0.001]. The difference between AN (10.1%, SD = 11.9) and NA was also significant [t(16) = 2.75, p < 0.05]. The main effect of POLARITY_SUB did not reach significance (F < 1). The analysis of the RTs revealed a main effect of POLARITY_MAIN [F(1,16) = 10.79, p < 0.005] and an interaction of POLARITY_MAIN × POLARITY_SUB [see Figure 1; F(1,16) = 70.05, p < 0.001]. The step down analysis revealed that participants responded faster in the AA condition in comparison to the other three conditions [2.16 ≤ t(16) ≤ 5.26, 0.05 ≤ p ≤ 0.001]. RTs of the NA condition were also significantly faster than RTs of the AN condition [t(16) = 2.86, p < 0.05].


Perisylvian Functional Connectivity during Processing of Sentential Negation.

Bahlmann J, Mueller JL, Makuuchi M, Friederici AD - Front Psychol (2011)

Behavioral data. (A) Error rates for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA). The two conditions with negations in the main clause (NN, NA) produced slightly more errors than the two conditions with affirmations in the main clause (AN, AA). (B) Reaction times for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA).
© Copyright Policy - open-access
Related In: Results  -  Collection

License
Show All Figures
getmorefigures.php?uid=PMC3108559&req=5

Figure 2: Behavioral data. (A) Error rates for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA). The two conditions with negations in the main clause (NN, NA) produced slightly more errors than the two conditions with affirmations in the main clause (AN, AA). (B) Reaction times for the processing of double negations (NN), negations in the main clause (NA), negations in the subordinate clause (AN), and affirmations (AA).
Mentions: An ANOVA on error rates was performed with the factors POLARITY_MAIN (negation versus affirmation in the main clause) and POLARITY_SUB (negation versus affirmation in the subordinated clause). A significant main effect of POLARITY_MAIN was found [F(1,16) = 10.5, p < 0.01], indicating that sentences with negations in the main clause induced more errors (14.4%, SD = 11.6) than sentences with affirmations in the main clause (9.7%, SD = 10.1; see Figure 2). The interaction effect of POLARITY_MAIN × POLARITY_SUB was marginally significant [see Figure 2; F(1,16) = 4.16, p = 0.058]. The step down analysis revealed that the two conditions with negations on the main clause (NN = 13.1%, SD = 11.9; NA = 15.8%, SD = 11.5) produced significantly more errors than the affirmative condition [AA = 9.4%, SD = 9.5; NN–AA: t(16) = 2.25, p < 0.05; NA–AA: t(16) = 4.5, p < 0.001]. The difference between AN (10.1%, SD = 11.9) and NA was also significant [t(16) = 2.75, p < 0.05]. The main effect of POLARITY_SUB did not reach significance (F < 1). The analysis of the RTs revealed a main effect of POLARITY_MAIN [F(1,16) = 10.79, p < 0.005] and an interaction of POLARITY_MAIN × POLARITY_SUB [see Figure 1; F(1,16) = 70.05, p < 0.001]. The step down analysis revealed that participants responded faster in the AA condition in comparison to the other three conditions [2.16 ≤ t(16) ≤ 5.26, 0.05 ≤ p ≤ 0.001]. RTs of the NA condition were also significantly faster than RTs of the AN condition [t(16) = 2.86, p < 0.05].

Bottom Line: As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed.Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations.Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

View Article: PubMed Central - PubMed

Affiliation: Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences Leipzig, Germany.

ABSTRACT
Every language has the means to reverse the truth value of a sentence by using specific linguistic markers of negation. In the present study we investigated the neural processing costs afforded by the construction of meaning in German sentences containing negation in different clause types. We studied negations within and across clause boundaries as well as single and double negations. Participants read German sentences comprising of affirmations, single negations in the main or in the subordinate clause, or double negations. As a result, we found a network including the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis, BA 45), and the left inferior parietal gyrus (BA 40) to be activated whenever negations in the main clause had to be processed. Additionally, we found increased functional coupling between the left pars triangularis (BA 45), left pars opercularis (BA 44), left SMA (BA 6), and left superior temporal gyrus (BA 42) during the processing of main clause negations. The study shows that in order to process negations that require semantic integration across clause boundaries left BA 45 interplays with other areas that have been related to language processing and/or the processing of cognitive demands and logical/conditional reasoning. Thus, the results indicate that the left perisylvian language network synchronizes in order to resolve negations, in particular, whenever requirements on meaning integration are enhanced.

No MeSH data available.


Related in: MedlinePlus